Jan Stachniuk (1905-1963) - The Bydgoszcz Episode in the Post-War History of the Ideologist of Zadruga

Krzysztof Osiński

The figure of Jan Stachniuk is not well known in Polish historiography. However, before World War II, his views and he himself aroused much controversy. This was mainly due to the view he promoted that the influence of Catholicism contributed to the decline of Polish statehood in the 18th century and the subsequent economic backwardness after regaining independence.

The following article concerns the post-war activities of Stachniuk. However, to provide a comprehensive overview of the topic, it is necessary to briefly present his earlier achievements.

Jan Stachniuk was born on January 13, 1905, in the borderland city of Kowel¹After completing high school there in 1927, he enrolled in the Higher Commercial School in Poznań, where he began studying at the Department of Political Economy. During his studies, he joined the Polish Democratic Youth Association²He became involved in the activities of this organization to the extent that in 1929 he was appointed second vice-president of the Poznań district.³, and from December 1930 to May 1933 he served as the responsible editor of "Życie Uniwersyteckie," the local publication of the ZPMD.

In 1933, he published his debut book "Collectivism and the Nation"⁴, in which he tried to combine elements characteristic of nationalism with collectivism. Two years later, he published his next work "Heroic Community of the Nation. Capitalism of the Imperialist Era and Poland"⁵The book was met with a stormy reception among publicists and aroused the interest of readers.

In 1936, Stachniuk moved to Warsaw, where he began gathering a group of people with similar views around him. In November 1937, they published the first issue of the monthly magazine „Zadruga,” which had the subtitle „Pismo nacjonalistów polskich” („Journal of Polish Nationalists”). On the pages of their magazine, the Zadruga members propagated ideas of social and economic collectivism while consistently advocating for nationalism. Their nationalism, however, deviated completely from what was commonly preached by the National Democracy, as it rejected Catholicism as a foreign ideology and one that promoted negative values. Additionally, the editorial team referred to the pre-Christian traditions of the Slavs, which placed them within the circle of neopagan circles.

The year 1939 saw the publication of two books by Stachniuk. The first one is „Państwo a gospodarstwo. Geneza etatyzmu w Polsce”⁶, the second one is titled "Dzieje bez dziejów. Teoria wewnętrznego rozwoju Polski"⁷The last one summarized the ongoing discussion in the magazine "Zadruga" on the detrimental, according to the editorial board, influence of Catholicism on Poland's economic and social life.

During the war, Stachniuk continued his writing activities. He published in the clandestine journals "Zryw" and "Kadra". In 1943, he published the book "The Problem of Totalism"⁸which was published under a misleading title as a work by Leon Petrażycki titled "Emotional Psychology". A year earlier, he had written the work "Slavic Myth"⁹which, however, has not been published anywhere to this day. His writing activities have been met with harsh attacks from Catholic circles, which published pamphlet-like brochures about him¹⁰.

He is considered the ideologist of the Stronnictwo Zrywu Narodowego, which was formed as a result of a split within the Stronnictwo Pracy. During the Warsaw Uprising, he fought in the ranks of the Home Army. He was wounded several times, but generally emerged from these encounters without major damage.¹¹After the war, in 1946, he was awarded the medal "For the Defense of Warsaw" for his participation in the Warsaw Uprising under the name Mieczysław Adamek, which he used during the uprising.¹².

***

After the end of the war, Stachniuk decided to return to the destroyed capital. He arrived there on February 5, 1945. He set two goals for himself: to acquire the means necessary for life, to gather the dispersed members of Zadruga as a result of the war, and to continue his publicistic activity.¹⁴ He found employment in the Operational Department of the Economic Committee of the Council of Ministers, where his friend and supporter of the Zadruga ideology, Dr. Damazy Tilgner, was the Chief Delegate for Economics in Pomerania. The department's task was to take over factories from the Germans, inventory them, and start them up again. Stachniuk used his wartime pseudonym Mieczysław Adamek there and, due to his economic education, he dealt with economic forecasts. The Operational Group for the Economy of Pomerania was established in Bydgoszcz and began its activities there. In March 1945, after completing its tasks, the Group was dissolved, and part of the personnel, including Stachniuk, were transferred to the Provincial Industrial Department. During this period, Stachniuk resided at 1 Staszica Street, renting a room from Mrs. Węglewska¹⁵.

As we learn from one of the letters of the Zadruga leader, in June 1945 he resigned from his job at the Provincial Industrial Department and went to the Coast to run a private business.¹⁶In the next letter, he reports that his business ventures did not succeed, so he decided to return to Bydgoszcz, where Zygmunt Felczak had secured him a position in the editorial office of the „Ilustrowany Kurier Polski”17. He published there under the pseudonym Dr. Mieczkowski. The „Ilustrowany Kurier Polski” was run by Felczak's group and Widy-Wirski, but under full control of the communist authorities. The new publication received good technical and printing equipment as well as significant financial resources. It was to be the official organ of the Stronnictwo Pracy¹⁸The debut issue of the newspaper was published on October 22, 1945.¹⁹Stachniuk also published in another organ of the SP, namely "Zryw". Felczak was serving as vice-wojewoda of Bydgoszcz at the time and, as a colleague of Stachniuk and a sympathizer of his ideology, was very helpful in promoting his views. He also learned from him that their other acquaintance, Dr. F. Widy-Wirski, was in Poznań, where he had been appointed wojewoda. In June 1945, Stachniuk traveled to Poznań and visited Widy in his office at the Voivodeship Office. However, the voivode was busy with official matters at that time, so it was decided to postpone the conversation until the evening. The meeting took place in Wida-Wirski's private apartment. During the ensuing discussion, Stachniuk took a contemptuous view of the voivode's political activities, accusing him of having completely lost the autonomy of his political actions and becoming a bureaucratized administrative official. He also critically assessed the political reality of the country and Polish-Soviet cooperation. He also reluctantly responded to the solution and disclosure of the "Zryw" organization to the new authorities. After this conversation, the gentlemen parted in a rather cold atmosphere, and Stachniuk returned to Bydgoszcz.²⁰It did not mean a complete break in relations between them, however. As late as 1945, Widy-Wirski's book "Poland and the Revolution" was published, a work he had begun during the occupation. Jan Stachniuk is considered an unofficial co-author of this text, as evidenced not only by its topic, but also by content analysis and the characteristic vocabulary used by him.

Stachniuk's relations with Felczak were significantly better. The result of the cooperation that developed between them was the publication, at the beginning of 1946, of Felczak's book "The Road of Great Renewal"²¹It was published in Bydgoszcz by the Spółdzielnia Wydawnicza „Zryw”. Once again, Stachniuk made a significant contribution to the creation of this work.²²Sam Felczak writes in the introduction, after all: The reflections of this work are not the exclusive property of the author, but the achievement of the entire "Zryw" group, a clandestine organization that operated in Warsaw from 1939-1945 and which later became part of the Stronnictwo Pracy²³The work was met with critical reception from publicists who accused it of borrowing from Stachniuk, misleading content, immaturity, and a hermetic style filled with empty rhetoric.²⁴.

In November 1945, the first issue of the magazine "Arkona," inspired by Felczak, was published in Bydgoszcz. It was dedicated to culture and art. As historian M. Piotrowski suggests, commenting on all socio-cultural events on the pages of "Arkona" was done through the "lens of Zadruga"²⁵. This was also evidenced by the title of the publication, which was the name of a Slavic fortress on the island of Rügen, known as the center of the cult of Światowid, the main stronghold of paganism among the Slavs beyond the Elbe, conquered in 1168 by the Danish ruler Waldemar I. In the editorial of the debut issue, Felczak wrote: Here our gaze turns to the Rugian "Arkona," which is a symbol of a completely different experience of the mystery of life. We must draw from the rich sources of ancient Slavic culture, from their vital faith in the full meaning of human existence and their joyful intoxication with the lush flow of life. (...) To develop the ongoing work of the cultural revolution in Poland, it becomes necessary to return to the life stance that "Arkona" represented hundreds of years ago.²⁶.

It should be noted that Stachniuk never sought to use his acquaintance with high-ranking friends for private purposes. There is no data indicating that he applied for any high-ranking official positions or directly engaged in current political activities. The only thing he expected from them was help in publishing and disseminating his literary works. Stachniuk, as in previous years, preferred to remain in the background and through appropriate persuasion inspire his prominent friends to take action. This does not mean, however, that he considered Felczak or Wide to be ideological comrades. On the contrary, he did not even recognize them as members of Zadruga. He expressed a very critical opinion about their involvement in the activities of the Stronnictwo Pracy, which he regarded as a "petty-bourgeois milieu". Certainly not without significance was the fact that the Stronnictwo Pracy was a Christian democratic party, and therefore based on Christian social principles, which Stachniuk was a declared opponent of.²⁷.

In the ideologist of Zadruga's conduct, there is no extremely oppositional attitude towards the new authority, which is characteristic of most patriotic-oriented circles. He even claimed that the situation that arose, despite the limitation of sovereignty and the threat to the national existence, also has positive aspects. He believed, however, that the new system was striking at the values with which Zadruga had fought before the war, and also that during great systemic transformations it would be possible to get involved in guiding the changes in a direction he desired.²⁸. In the surviving typewritten document from that time, we can see words of approval for the changes taking place at that time.²⁹At the same time, however, he was very critical of some Zadruga members joining the ranks of the Polish Workers' Party. According to Stachniuk, by doing so they "went too far"³⁰One such figure was the pre-war Zadruga member Ludwik Gościński, who, after joining the PPR, became the deputy starosta of Krosno on behalf of the party, and later the president of Przemyśl and a party lecturer.³¹.

The only way out was therefore to fit appropriately into the new realities. He wrote about it in this way: Striving for something, I must act in specific conditions.³²He deceived himself into thinking that the communists, aware of the lack of suitable cadres, would turn to him as a specialist in cultural affairs. In a letter to English Zadruga members, he wrote about it directly: We want to become specialists, and top-tier ones, unmatched on revising the foundations of culture, the foundations of values. Here [meaning in Poland - note by KO] there are no specialists at all, no one claims expertise. Everything else is just means of expression - better, worse, and that's how I see it³³For this reason, he recommended that Zadruga members living in exile return to the country. Only here, on the spot, could their plans be realized.³⁴.

A very important element in promoting Zadruga thought was publicistic activity. Therefore, it is not surprising that Stachniuk began to seek publication of his books from the very beginning. The year 1946 saw the publication of his most important ideological work, undoubtedly „Manhood and Culture”³⁵. Friends of Stachniuk were helpful in getting it published. Widy-Wirski directed the author to the head of the Provincial Printing Industry Management in Poznań, Orłowski, who assigned him a printing plant where the book was printed.³⁶. Its print run was two thousand copies. Felczak and Tilgner also proved to be helpful, who were members of the management of the Publishing Cooperative "Zryw" - a publishing house that issued this work. The first was the president of the Supervisory Board of the Cooperative, while the second held the position of secretary. In the preface to it, Stachniuk wrote that the content of this work is the result of a long evolution. It all started with a rebellion against the existing Polish reality. I could not reconcile myself with what was the prevailing norm in social and mental relations of the Second Polish Republic. (...) From my boyhood years, I felt that the motor driving the entirety of national life was turning with an unusual lethargy. Reflexively, I protested against this. I desired a more intense rhythm, closer to the one that seemed to me the measure of normality. (...) After writing "Dzieje bez dziejów" (History without History), it was clear to me that the disease which had exhausted the Polish nation had its roots reaching back to the foundations of humanity and culture. It was necessary to reach the roots, to the most fundamental instincts of man, and on this basis to explain the world of human achievements and equally fateful failures. Formulating a theory of culture was a necessity³⁷.

Despite the great hopes that Stachniuk placed in the publication of this book, it went largely unnoticed, receiving only a few, not very flattering reviews.³⁸The Zadruga members were, however, convinced of the epochal significance of this work. Wanting it to reach as wide an audience as possible, they decided to promote it beyond the borders of the country, striving to have it published in German and English. These efforts, however, were sabotaged by the authorities and were never realized.³⁹Nevertheless, after years, the typescript of the English translation was deposited in one of the London libraries.

3 August 1946, Z. Felczak passed away.⁴⁰It was a great blow to Stachniuk, who lost not only a devoted friend but also a protector who could have ensured relatively free publicistic activity for him. In this situation, he decided to get closer to F. Widy-Wirski, who at that time held the position of Deputy Minister of Information and Propaganda. An expression of this cooperation may be the outline prepared for Widy titled „Ideograf”⁴¹.

The remnants of the Zadruga followers who managed to survive the war gathered in 1947 to commemorate the 900th anniversary of the Battle of Płock, in which the pagan hero Miecław perished. During the celebrations, they sang the following song:

Odezwa

From afar, the clamor of battle reaches.
Whose secrets a hostile specter guarded.
Through the mists of Mazovia clearly cuts
Battlefield: steep riverbank.

Refrain:
Who is a hero will go to war.
Prove courage to amaze the world.
Sweet vengeance's time is near!
From the holy Polish lands, the corpse's trace will vanish!

Chief Masłow! We bring glad tidings!
Our team has heard the call.
Already the beacons are burning and the ranks are growing.
She did not forget why you shed your blood.

Refrain:
The glory has returned! The torch of flames shines!
The war horn sounds the victory!
Although nine centuries have passed today,
The Battle of Płock is still ongoing!⁴²

Over time, among Stachniuk's followers, thoughts began to emerge about establishing a Zadruga Institute for the Reconstruction of National Culture⁴³It was already a time of tightening freedoms for all non-communist initiatives, so this idea was never implemented. Traces of this concept can be seen in Stachniuk's unpublished book from 1948, "The Path of Cultural Revolution - A Study on the Reconstruction of National Psychology." In another work from this period, the 1947 book "The Struggle for Principles. The Second Front of the Third Polish Republic"⁴⁴, Stachniuk expresses the belief that by utilizing the ongoing transformations, he will be able to influence society. He wrote about it in this way: The contemporary socio-political transformations are a fortunate historical coincidence allying with the intended work of radical renewal of Poland. They must be supplemented on the "second front", and this is the revolutionary transformation of our cultural tradition⁴⁵.

His hopes of joining the changes, however, were disappointed. Representatives of the new authorities began to look less and less favorably on Stachniuk's activities, and obstacles began to pile up in front of him. First, he was not accepted into the ranks of the Polish Union of Literary Workers, which would have given him both the opportunity to publish his books relatively freely and ensured an influx of financial means necessary for life. Then his application to resume broadcasting the magazine „Zadruga” was rejected. The official who reviewed the application allegedly said: I feel that there is something foreign in it [in Zadruga's views - ed. KO], but I don't know what it is⁴⁶, adding in further conversation that some fascism will come out of this⁴⁷The conversation with Władysław Gomułka also came to nothing, during which Stachniuk tried to convince him of the need to enrich the new authorities with Zadruga ideas. During this conversation, Stachniuk was said to have said: I am a supporter of introducing a socialist system in Poland, but as a philosopher, I am against basing it on the philosophy of materialist Marxism. There is a great need to change this last one to something else, based on an irrational ideology. In other words, if the socialist system is to be maintained in Poland, something like a "Communist religion" must be created, different from other religions but recognizing the supreme authority coming from God. As a philosopher, I can undertake this important task. At the same time, I warn that if you do not make this change, all the great plans for building socialism will burst like a soap bubble, and communism will cease to exist in 40 years⁴⁸In December 1947, there was also a meeting with another communist prominent, Bolesław Bierut, and his advisors. However, this attempt to reach an understanding with representatives of the new political elite did not bring any tangible benefits for Zadruga.⁴⁹.

In view of the above, Stachniuk focused on further publicistic activity. The year 1948 brought the publication of another book in his oeuvre, which was „Wspakultura”.⁵⁰This work was published by the well-known publishing house "Trzaska, Ebert and Michalski". Precising the recipient to whom it should be addressed, he wrote that the book [is] intended for those who live with an alert and tense inner rhythm; for those who experience the fleeting seconds of existence with sharp clarity. Only such people appreciate the tragic weight of unproductive moments and fight them with a sense of horror. The analyses contained in this book are the tool for effectively fighting this evil⁵¹It did not, however, meet the expectations of the Zadruga members. This may be indicated by the fact that it did not receive any reviews in the press, Stachniuk's polemicists remained silent, and censorship began to exert increasing pressure on him. For the publication of his next book, written in 1949, the work "Christianity and Mankind," he could not find any publisher interested in publishing it. Feeling the impending confrontation with the authorities, Stachniuk entrusted the manuscripts of his previously unpublished works to Damazy Tilgner for safekeeping.⁵².

It was a period of increasing Stalinism, increasingly limiting all freedoms and attacking ideologies deviating from the generally accepted ideological line represented by the ruling communist party. Not fitting within the margin tolerated by the authorities, Stachniuk was entering an escalating conflict with the communists, who were increasingly interested in his person. In 1949, Antoni Alster, the first secretary of the PPR in Bydgoszcz, "invited" Stachniuk to take a vacation at the prominent, exclusive residence in Stawiguda, Mazury, where he interrogated him for several hours about his concepts.⁵³. Soon after, the leader of Zadruga was summoned to the Bydgoszcz headquarters of the Security Office, where he was interrogated by the head of that institution.⁵⁴.

Another attempt to establish contact with the authorities was a memorandum written by the ideologist of Zadruga titled "Tragifarsa Polski Ludowej" (Tragifarce of the People's Republic of Poland). This document consisted of six pages of text and contained content related to the revival of Zadruga and the creation by it of a second, ideological front of the Third Polish Republic.⁵⁵In the presence of B. Stępiński, Stachniuk attempted to hand this document to Widy-Wirski, so that he could deliver it to Gomułka. After familiarizing himself with its content, Widy-Wirski returned it to the author, refused to deliver it, and broke off all relations with him⁵⁶Eventually, in August 1949, Stępiński delivered it to a member of the Central Committee and a scout leader, Pelagia Lewińska, who, despite initial resistance, committed to delivering it to the authorities. As one Zadruga member suggests, it was the delivery of this document that allegedly led to the arrest of his comrades. In my opinion, however, this was not a decisive factor, if it was even considered by the authorities. It was a time of liquidating all non-communist initiatives, and in fact, just being in opposition to the system provoked the threat of repression. This is confirmed by the fact that this memorandum was not among the material evidence in the trial against the Zadruga members, nor is it mentioned in the indictment presented to them there.

Finally, a direct confrontation took place. On September 3, 1949, security officers from the Ministry of Public Security arrived at Stachniuk's apartment in Bydgoszcz at 71/3 Stalin Street (now Jagiellońska Street) to conduct a search.⁵⁷The result of this was the questioning of several books, 84 letters, a notebook, a sickness insurance card, and an ałzwajs (spelling as in the search protocol). As a consequence, he was arrested and taken to the Warsaw detention center.⁵⁸The repression by the authorities began to expand into the circle of people associated with Stachniuk, as on September 7, other Zadruga members were arrested. These included: Janina Kłopocka, Bogusław Stępiński, and Teodor Jakubowski. Despite Stachniuk being detained at the beginning of September, the decision on temporary detention was only submitted on October 19⁵⁹It was mentioned that the prisoner would be detained until December 3, but this decision was extended several times, as a result of which he spent several years in the Warsaw provisional detention center at Rakowiecka and Koszykowa streets. The request for extension of the detention for Stachniuk was personally supported by the head of the VII Department, Lt. Col. Helena Wolińska⁶⁰.

The official indictment was submitted 2.5 years after the arrest, as it was presented only on February 5, 1952. In it, Stachniuk was accused of the following:

1.From 1935 until September 1939 in Warsaw, acting in concert with the fascist movement, publicly operated to the detriment of the Polish Nation by weakening its defensive spirit in such a way that he created a political organization under the name "Zadruga" and led this organization propagating the national-socialist ideology, drawn from Hitlerite models;

2.From 1932 to September 1939, in Poznań and Warsaw, he prepared for distribution writings propagating slogans aimed at fascistizing life in Poland by writing and publishing books and publications of fascist content, including “Collectivism and the Nation,” “Heroic Community of the Nation,” and he also directed the nationalist monthly magazine “Zadruga,” publishing his own articles in it;

3.From 1943 to January 1945 in Warsaw, acting in accordance with the Hitlerite authority of the German state, spread defamatory propaganda against underground anti-fascist groups such as the PPR and the Soviet Union, collaborating in the management of the reactionary underground publication "Zryw" and publishing a book titled "Emotional Psychology" (The Issue of Totalitarianism) under the imprint of the "Stronnictwo Zrywu Narodowego"⁶¹.

The indictment was also submitted to the remaining Zadruga members. Bogusław Stępiński and Janina Kłopocka were accused of having prepared for distribution articles of fascist content and having published them in the nationalist magazine „Zadruga”, which they co-edited.⁶²The most serious accusations of all were, however, made against Teodor Jakubowski. He was accused of murdering Henryk Rybka in 1943 and being an accomplice in two other murders of unidentified (!) people in 1943, as well as robberies of unidentified (!) people as part of the activities of the "reactionary" underground organization Stronnictwo Zrywu Narodowego⁶³.

Stachniuk decided to defend himself. On April 15, 1952, from the Mokotów detention center, he sent a letter to the Provincial Court challenging the indictment⁶⁴He pointed out the absurdity of the accusations and the inconsistencies contained therein. He wrote there, inter alia: The act of accusation says that "going along with the Hitlerite authorities," I developed "treasonous" propaganda, etc. I must explain that in the interest of Germany, the direction of my work had to be contrary to the aims of the "Hitlerite authorities" in Poland. I was aiming to undermine the influence of the Catholic Church, while the Germans were keenly interested in having it be the exact opposite. To support his words, he cited the occupation's propaganda press, including the "Nowy Kurier Warszawski," which - as Stachniuk further wrote - was full of appeals to the Catholic society, calling for cooperation in the name of Christian civilization, the Catholic mission of the Polish nation, the Church's tasks in the East, open letters about the necessity of preserving the faith of Christ, to which task Catholic Poles are called, etc. He went even further, stating: because my anti-Catholic position was known, efforts were made to destroy me.⁶⁵.

In this letter, he also reminded that before the war, Zadruga was accused of acting to the detriment of the Polish nation, by weakening its defensive spirit, with the difference that at that time, inspiration... communist and Masonic was suspected.

Refuting the accusation that by publishing "The Problem of Totalism," he sought to prove the thesis that the USSR's system is totalitarian and fascist, and at the same time that he himself was a fascist, he wrote with his characteristic irony: If it is true that I am a fascist, then, in proving the thesis that the Soviet system is fascist and totalitarian, I must feel sympathy and goodwill toward it as something close to me and my own.

The indictment, however, accuses me of "discrediting the Soviet Union" out of hostility towards it. I was therefore hostile. My hostility stemmed from the assumption that the Soviet Union was allegedly totalitarian and fascist. If such was the justification for my hostility, then the simple conclusion is that I was an opponent of totalitarianism and fascism. One or the other. Either I am a fascist and totalitarian and therefore had to feel sympathy for the Soviet Union, or I am its opponent and cannot be a fascist.⁶⁶.

These explanations, however, were of no use. The communist authorities, conducting all political processes, were by no means guided by a sense of justice, but rather aimed to eliminate all means of independent thought from superficially understood Marxism. Therefore, a court trial took place on June 26, 1952, at the Provincial Court for the Capital City of Warsaw. The trial was secret, and it was chaired by Judge M. Stępczyński. It was clearly a political process, as evidenced by the material evidence gathered against the defendants, which included: Stachniuk's books, the publications "Zryw" and "Zadruga", a file with the names of Zadruga sympathizers, Jakubowski's notebook, and Kłopocka's drawings (!!!)⁶⁷After two consecutive hearings on June 26 and July 9, on the last day Prosecutor Beniamin Wejsblech requested that Stachniuk be sentenced to death, Teodor Jakubowski to life imprisonment, and the remaining Zadruga members to long prison terms. As a result of such harsh treatment, Jakubowski and Stępiński broke down, expressing remorse and asking for lenient sentences. Stachniuk's and Kłopocka's stance remained unyielding until the very end. They did not admit to anything or express remorse for their actions. Ultimately, the same day, the court issued a verdict in which the ideologist of Zadruga was sentenced to 15 years in prison, deprivation of public and civic honorary rights for 10 years, and confiscation of property. Bogusław Stępiński and Janina Kłopocka were sentenced to 7 years in prison, but the sentence was reduced to 4 years and 8 months under Articles 6 and 10 of the Amnesty Law of February 22, 1947. The last of the accused, Teodor Jakubowski, received a life sentence reduced under Article 5 of the Amnesty Decree of 2.08.1945 and Articles 6 and 8 of the Amnesty Law of 22.02.1947 to 12 years and 6 months in prison. At the same time, all the accused were credited with the period of their provisional detention towards the sentences imposed on them.⁶⁸.

Stachniuk was sent to serve his sentence at the Mazurian prison in Barczewo. This was one of the harshest detention centers in Poland, located on a peninsula surrounded by water on three sides, which created a malarial climate that negatively affected the prisoners. It was common practice to place political prisoners in the same cells with common criminals and for guards to beat them. Stachniuk was subjected to torture. The prison officers beat him, saying at the same time that they would beat out of him his pre-war nationalist views and criticism of totalitarian regimes, including the USSR⁶⁹.

During his stay in the Barczewo prison, Stachniuk was employed in a carpentry shop. As the prison authorities noted, he did not meet production quotas there because he showed no willingness to work. In 1953, he was also disciplined for contacting Teodor Jakubowski and speaking disrespectfully about the Polish People's Republic and the USSR⁷⁰.

On 24 December 1953, an appeal hearing took place, as a result of which Stachniuk's sentence was reduced to 8 years in prison, and by virtue of Article 14 § 2 of the Amnesty Law of 22 February 1947, it was further reduced to 7 years. Stępiński and Kłopocki's sentences were reduced to 4 years each. Since the period of their pre-trial detention was counted towards their sentence, the court deemed their punishment served. However, in the case of Jakubowski, the court upheld the contested sentence.⁷¹.

Another attempt to alleviate his fate was made by Stachniuk "on the wave" of the "thaw" caused by Stalin's death. At his request, a lawyer arranged for a second appeal hearing, which took place on February 8, 1955. As a result, Stachniuk regained his freedom, as the court reduced his sentence to 5 years and 3 months, at the same time considering the penalty served⁷².

After being released from prison, the ideologist of Zadruga was given a ban on officially residing in Warsaw. Bypassing this sanction, he registered with a friend in Józefów near Otwock and at the same time illegally stayed in the capital. Due to censorship pressures and poor health, he was no longer able to engage in any scientific work. Plans to write a historical novel resurfaced, but nothing came of it. Attempts to obtain rehabilitation and possible compensation also failed.⁷³. Due to the hopeless situation, Stachniuk decided to leave the country and go to Canada, where T. was staying, or to Germany. However, he did not obtain permission to travel, so this plan failed. An attempt to illegally cross to Sweden by kayak also came to nothing, as the companion in this endeavor withdrew at the last moment⁷⁴As a result of the torture he was subjected to in prison, he went insane and had to undergo treatment in a psychiatric hospital in Radość near Warsaw. The place in this facility was allegedly arranged by F. Widy-Wirski.⁷⁵He was constantly under the care of friends and supporters of his ideology, who remained loyal to him until the very end. His life partner, Franciszka Stembrowicz, took particular care of him.

The disease turned out to be incurable. As a result, Stachniuk died on July 14, 1963, and was buried two days later at the Powązki Communal Cemetery - plot F2, row 8, grave 7, on the path leading to the soldiers of September 1939. At the initiative of Janina Kłopocka and other Zadruga members, an impressive tombstone was erected in 1966, on which the following epitaph was inscribed:

JAN STACHNIUK
STOIGNIEW
13.I.1905 — 14.VII.1963

THEORIST OF CULTURE
CREATOR OF THE NATIONAL PRINCIPLES
OF POLAND'S DEVELOPMENT
FAITHFUL SON OF THE POLISH NATION

HONOUR AND GLORY
TO HIM AND HIS WORK

ZADRUGA

Kronika Bydgoska, vol. 22, 2000