Letter to the Main Board of the National Movement
The necessary transformation of the RN from a confederation of social initiatives into a unified political party based on the principle of individual membership is an opportunity to raise programmatic questions. The current formula of cooperation, in which individual entities of the Movement maintained their distinctiveness, has been exhausted. A party must have its own single program that members essentially agree to. Some members of our association want to be active in a Polish party of nationalist character, which - as we understand - RN is to constitute.
1. In the event of a conflict between the interest of the Catholic Church and the interest of the Polish nation, will the RN party choose the interest of the nation?
This is not just a theoretical question, because we believe such a contradiction can be seen today. You rightly raise the issue of Poles in post-Soviet countries and the fear of their assimilation. Let us note that on Ukraine and Belarus, the factor assimilating Poles is not the local nationalisms at all, but the Catholic Church in the last 25 years. In his efforts to establish himself within those communities (which is understandable from his perspective), he tries to erase the Catholicism of that region's reputation as "Polish faith" by eliminating the Polish language, even where the faithful do not wish it. At least pushing it to the background.
The contradiction is evident in the attitude towards emigration and third-world countries. We consider emigration, especially from areas of other civilizations, as a source of threat to the Polish nation. The Church in the West supports it in various ways, in the name of love for one's neighbor, thus appearing as something contradictory to the love for the nation and the principle of national egoism.
Why is the church proud of its missions helping Africans, thereby potentially increasing the number of hungry people storming Europe? One can help if the aid solves problems; increasing the population of Africa without transforming the political and cultural foundations of their societies only exacerbates the problem.
In our opinion, a sovereign nation should also possess spiritual sovereignty, being independent in this area from external factors. Only this, in the final instance, allows for a sovereign national policy.
2. The second important issue is the matter of the actual anti-systemic nature of the National Movement. We understand that the slogan of abolishing the Republic of Round Table (the Republic of Magdalenka) remains in force?
If so, it should be noted that the post-Magdalenka order since 1989 is based on a specific social arrangement. It involves the ruling class from the PRL (nomenklatura and secret services) becoming the core of the new group of owners. They control, among other things, banking, the judiciary, most media, and often also through family ties. Because it was in their interest to join the EU - exporting labor to the EU postponed the problem of social rebellion - they agreed to be an economic colony of a few western countries. At the same time, the Moscow agency was not eliminated, so the actual status of the Third Polish Republic resembles a Russian-German condominium.
Escaping this state of affairs will be impossible without taking steps that are de facto revolutionary (because they change the structure of ownership and the social structure).
What is therefore the social program of the Movement? It is directed at the broadest strata of the nation, not just entrepreneurs. We understand the social importance of this group and the difficulties they face with bureaucracy in Poland. But no nation has ever consisted exclusively of entrepreneurs. In our view, a real measure of anti-systemic stance would be the renationalization of the looted national property, which would also provide some means for the reindustrialization of Poland declared by RN activists.
On the margins - if the issue of power were to be resolved with an element of street action (and not just electoral), it would be unwise to alienate people willing to take to the streets. And such was the hasty distancing from participants in clashes with the police on 11 XI without the possibility of checking whether these incidents are not part of a provocation by secret services or other hostile forces, as numerous comments suggest.
To what extent is the National Assembly willing to suspend property rights if the exercise of these rights is grossly contrary to the national interest?
It is commonly known that most of the elite of property owners are people associated with the special services of the Polish People's Republic, who achieved their fortunes not through work and entrepreneurship but as a result of the thieving transformation established during the Magdalenka agreements in 1989. As such, this is a parasitic layer accustomed to obedience to foreigners. The solution to its problems would be a radical renationalization of properties, during which the question of property rights and their violation could be raised. Let us note that this is not just a political and social issue, but something rooted in an ethical dispute. What is considered the most important right, whose defense supersedes all other rights? In our view, it is the interest of the nation, expressed in the possibility of increasing its strength. Without strength, no rights matter, because only strength defends them. Therefore, it is strength – not love – that gives weight to everything. We understand that this statement contradicts a specific ethical system, which is why we are asking our question.
With national greetings –
The Main Board of the Association for Tradition and Culture "Niklot"